Ugandan Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP)

Ugandan Poverty reduction St esteemgy piece (PRSP)A sociable analysis of the current Ugandan meagreness decline strategy paper (PRSP), known as the penury eradication follow out program (PEAP, 2004/5-2007/8)IntroductionUganda, with the help of a number of international organisations, has created a distress step-down final cause known as the PEAP. This project began in 1995, further came intro fruition around 1997. The goal of the PEAP is to inflict pauperism from 44% in 1997 to 10% in 2017 ( realness edge Group, 2008). This policy was created in ordinance for Uganda to be eligible for financial embolden from the worldly concern entrust and IMF under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative (Gariyo, 2001, p. 2). The aim of this evidence is to unfavorablely examine the recent progress of the PEAP from the rele wagon traint documents. This includes examining the PEAP itself from 2004/5-2007/8 as well as look at the meagerness judgment projects that ta ke in been taking place. The three important issues in this subject ar how the plan deals with the concept of beggary, how the scantness assessments are reflected in the PEAP, and the panache in which the PEAP has turn to sexuality issues amongst the measly in Uganda. The objective is to provide a critical analysis of the current station at bottom Uganda with regards to PEAP, and how in force(p) this plan has been at reducing pauperisation.Concept of Poverty in the PEAPThe concept of poverty at heart the PEAP has changed since its initial introduction. The original drafts of the plan were focused upon state-led rural development. The plan was indeed revised and it was decided to concentrate to a greater extent on social issues. The PEAP plan looks at poverty as primarily organism well-nigh the issues of sparing development, business competitiveness and market growth (Uganda Minis discipline of Finance, homework and economic instruction., 2005, p. 16). The master (prenominal) metres of poverty within the PEAP are household expenditure and income, and when this falls down the stairs a certain level a person or family is considered pitiable. This poverty line is quite simplistic, but to a fault absolute, as it represents the level undeniable to secure basic food and some other take. The gap between incomes is also measured to look at inequality within night club (Uganda Ministry of Finance, planning and Economic Development., 2005, p. 38).The short(p) in Uganda are also determine as those who see problems of regional inequality, with those in the northward and rural areas existence worse off than those in the Central and urban areas. The study also identified that female- spot households of widowed or absent husband families are slimyer.The issue is whether or non this definition of poverty is finished or correct for the region, as this lead obviously affect the conquest of the policies. Targeting the wrong groups of tribe o r introducing measures that do non really address the issues of poverty in Uganda go out not reduce real poverty. in that location are those that argue respectable taking into account consumption and income is not enough to determine poverty and that basic leases and rights need to be taken into account (Kingdon and Knight, 2004, pp. 1-3). However, the situation in Uganda means that the issue of consumption equates to the provision of basic needs. on that point is a definite cut off between consumption and being able to afford basic food and other amenities. In this case, the measure of income and consumption is adequate. However, the factor that is not taken into account as often within the PEAP faces to security. This is often more of a natural view than nearlything that cannister be identified with quantitative data. The security of people within confederation and their feelings about their situations are crucial to their ability to move out of poverty and improve the ir lives. The problem with the PEAP view of poverty is that it is perhaps too qualify with regards to the full view of poverty. Whilst it includes issues of consumption and income and indeed social functionality, it leaves out nigh of the elements of security.It could be argued that the appeal to empowerment for women and other people is to do with feelings and security, but perhaps it is not enough (Uganda Ministry of Finance, readiness and Economic Development., 2005, p. 55). The results of the study seem to suggest as such. Whilst economical growth has improved and poverty head count has been reduced since 1997, the factors of inequality take a leak risen since 2003. In the North the affects of the PEAP policy lead been limited because of a miss of security regarding get and the ability for people to move into new industries easily. Therefore, it can be verbalize that whilst the income and consumption indicators of poverty have improved, it is not certain whether this ha s actually meliorate poverty because the issues of security and the opinions of the poor seemingly have not been taken into account fully. However, more about this will be discussed in the future(a) section looking at how the poverty analysis is involved within the PEAP. The analysis PPA will be crucial as to whether or not the lack of wildness on eudaimonia has altered the effectiveness of the PEAP.There is some evidence however to support this less complex and indispensable analysis of the status of poverty in Uganda. McGee (2004, pp. 517-521) showed that contradictions and arguments with regards to what is exactly happening to poverty in Uganda is unhelpful. Instead, a less oppositional approach is better, with a focus on the income and consumption of those in Uganda. This may not be the most accurate measure of poverty, but it is an effective and productive way to produce policies that will have a positive impact on the economy and thusly alleviate poverty.However, poverty assessments carried out as part of the gentlemans gentleman Bank strategy have shown that many of these assessments, including those of Uganda, put too much emphasis on increasing income and investment. These policies are weak in addressing the real causes of poverty such as social inequality, and ignore issues of politics and history. Therefore, it must be s maintenance that whilst Uganda is one of the more thorough nations with regards to its assessments, it be quiet lacks a subjective view and focuses too much on income issues instead than looking at the root causes of poverty (Hammer, Pyatt and White, 1999, pp. 819-821).Despite this and the concerns that too much emphasis on investment and improved income will not result in a reduction in poverty, the results initially seem good. A study by Nkusu (2004) shows that an emphasis on investment, aid and income factors has led to a much healthier economy and morphological reforms that have reduced poverty boilers suit.However, it is silence undecipherable as to weather these policies are taking into account the results shown in the participatory poverty analysis. The next section will examine how the PEAP uses these analyses within its policies, and how effective this usage is.Participatory poverty analysis in the PEAPIt seems that whilst the original PEAP was endorsed and okay by the IMS for its effectiveness at sticking to the principles of engagement, in recent years the plan has somewhat moved away from the original focus (Canagarajah and van Diesen, 2006, pp. 663-666). The World Bank and IMF understand the need to mind to the poor and their needs in rear to solve problems of poverty. Without this, the root causes of poverty will not be found and despite economic growth the average poor person will not be better off as the rich will gain.The problem is not so much with the Ugandan policies but the limits put upon them by the World Bank and IMF. In order for these poor countries to receive the f inancial aid they need to progress, they must equalise certain criteria for economic reforms set out by the IMF and World Bank. However, this essentially means the countries like Uganda have little say in the policies that need to be created in order for them to improve their economy. Therefore, the suggestion by the IMF and World Bank to listen to the poor is misleading. They have suggested this method in order to deflect attention from their conditions imposed on financial aid.This means that the connection of people in Uganda in the forming of policies is reduced, because the government must limit the development they are exposed to in order to bring in sure the policies are put in place to get aid and promote growth. This makes it harder for Uganda to listen to its people regarding policies that they would like to see to improve their living conditions (Rowden and Irama, 2004). The problem with these policies as outlined in the household surveys is that economic growth is n ot being shared amongst the people who need it, and instead poverty is increasing. The poverty rate is increasing because the economic growth in Uganda at this point favours the richer people and international community, thanks to the biased policies needed to get funding from the IMF and World Bank (Economic insurance Research Centre Makerere University, 2003).There are some indications that the people within Uganda are being listened to when possible. Findings looking at groups of poor children in Uganda found that measures looking at just income and consumption were not enough, and so other methods were taken into consideration by asking those who were poor (UNESCO., 2005).The poverty assessment reports however show that despite the focus of the PEAP on economic growth, this is not the reason for ontogenesis poverty in Uganda. The poverty status report in 2003 shows that despite economic growth, people however remain below the poverty line. The main reasons for this are unequa l economic growth, and a lack of security in areas such as Yankee Uganda (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2003a, pp. 147-149). Whilst these issues are identified in the PEAP, the main focus of policy is still on economic growth, because this is the only way the economy can be improved through financial aid.However, at that place are areas within the poverty assessment reports that are being employ by the PEAP. One of these areas is healthcare, which in the assessment reports is identified as a key area that leads to poverty, and that the more people that are poor the more that will need to be spent to maintain peoples health (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2002, pp. 101-105). The original poverty assessment report identified similar problems including issues of district break, and the obstacles for people trying to astir(p) their own lives (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development 2000).The PEAP looks at some of these issues and puts policies in place to address, particularly with regards to health. The PEAP has made an effort to focus on handicap measures of health care so that the poorest members of society have greater approach path to services so that they can be more productive (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 163-165).Despite this, the conclusions of the PEAP stick mainly to issues of economic growth rather than social problems. It is true that during the 1990s spunky economic growth resulted in a reduction in the amount of people under the poverty line. However, as the country has improved its services, the further economic growth has been hampered by the limits of policies demanded by the IMF and World Bank in order to meet aid conditions. This means the economic growth has been a means towards an end of gaining aid to increase growth rather than simply looking at the social factors touch on the poor (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2005, pp. 211.213). sex Analysis in the PEAPAnother issue that needs to be turn to is whether or not the PEAP is addressing issues of sexual practice effectively. sex activity is clearly a big issue in a country where female-run families are worse off than male-led families due to lack of opportunities and rights for women to improve their economic status.Initial findings suggest that although the poverty participation wait on involves looking at those who are marginalised within society due to gender or other issues, the analyses do not effectively discuss gender issues (Wordofa, 2004, pp. 68-71). A study by Zuckerman and Garrett (2003) found that many of these poverty assessment reports in various developing countries only addressed gender issues in a superficial manner. Uganda in fact would not use gendered participation within its original report research but would and then try to aggregate gender back into the policies later on. This tactic results in policies that do not accurately address the true concerns and issues associated with gender in Uganda in terms of poverty (Zuckerman, and Garrett, 2003, pp. 6, 12). Common examples of this are looking at divers(prenominal) households in terms of age, but not reflecting differences in consumption levels accord to gender.This is particularly damaging for a country like Uganda where some of the poorest members of society are women. This means despite good economic growth, the needs of many of the poorest are not being dealt with.As Whitehead and Lockwood (1999, p. 14) show, the way in which the Uganda PEAP deals with womens issues is very superficial. There is a section regarding women, but it is not linked into the rest of the policies in general making it an isolated and trim section of the document. However, this study was conducted in 1999 and since then the reports have been looked at more closely, with more emphasis on gender issues. Despite this, there still remains a level of isolation between these findings and the policies as a whole.Zuckerman (2002) shows that there is some progress being made with regards to this, and those early failings have been dealt with in some ways. The reports now have women actively participating in order to form policies that will help get them out of poverty. However, it is still shown that despite this participation, the gendered participation has not filtered through to the policies in the PEAP as a whole. The problem is that these views from different genders are then generalised when added to policy, and therefore have little effect on gender differences. If this participation is to work then there needs to be a greater effort to make distinct policies to address gender differences rather than re-aggregating into a generalised whole. endThe Ugandan PEAP has certainly been one of the most triple-crown of these types of poverty reduction scheme in terms of reducing the poverty indicators of poo r income and high levels of consumption to income. This has meant that overall the economy is doing better in Uganda, and people have higher incomes than before. This however is too simple a definition of poverty, and other factors such as the feelings and well-being of the poor, security issues and social structures need to be taken into account.The PEAP has improved since its inception in the 1990s in terms of recognising these issues, but the core policies have changed very little. The main focus of the PEAP is still to improve economic growth, for two main reasons. Firstly because this was a successful policy throughout the 1990s in helping to reduce overall poverty, and secondly because such economic policies are required by the IMF and World Bank in order to Uganda to receive the aid it needs to progress.The improvements in participation have meant that PEAP documents now address issues of gender and empowerment. However, these issues are addressed in a superficial way and the voices of marginalised are not affecting policy change. This means that despite continued economic growth, the wealth divide has increased and the percentage of people in poverty has increased in recent years. The policies are helping those who are better off to increase their wealth rather than improving the opportunities for the poorest members of society.As pointed out in reports, the country is reaching its targets with regards to alleviating poverty in economic growth terms and structural reforms (Uganda Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, 2003b). However, these targets are not reducing overall poverty because they are allowing the participation in policy making of marginalised groups. The chronically poor who need the most help most likely to stay poor, financial backing the claim that these policies of economic growth are not helping reduce poverty in Uganda (Okidi, and Mugambe, 2002, pp. 2-4).BibliographyCanagarajah, S., and van Diesen, A., 2006. 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